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AUSTRALIAN
MARXIST
REVIEW

Journal of the Communist Party of Australia

ISSUE 69December 2018

Scientifically judge the orientation of the times to develop full confidence in socialism with Chinese characteristics and world socialism

Editor’s note: The following article was originally published in Chinese as a contribution to the 9th World Socialism Forum. It is a prime example of Chinese political writing that makes heavy use of official slogans that have deeper meanings than direct English translations can provide. This feature, combined with long sentences filled with commas, makes for difficult reading for the uninitiated. In the interest of preserving Shenming’s precise meaning and intent, we have decided to only edit obvious grammatical errors and to adapt the source to our formatting standards.

At the routine group study session of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee on September 29, 2017, General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasised:

Times are changing and society is developing, but the fundamental principle of Marxism remains a scientific truth. Great and deep changes have taken place in our age compared with that of Marx, but, from the horizon of the 500 years of world socialism, we are still in the historical times as clarified by Marx, which is the scientific basis for us to maintain unshakable confidence in Marxism and firmly believe that socialism will certainly win.[1]

The judgment by General Secretary Xi Jinping is perfectly right and very important.

I. We are still in the general historical times as defined by Marx and Engels

Historians often carry out periodisation by means of production. Comparatively, Marx and Engels determined and divided “all past historical times” and social development forms by the class playing a leading role in society, and clearly raised the concept of “the epoch of the bourgeoisie”.

They first established dialectical materialism and used it as a powerful tool to look at human history, with which they revealed the objective law of the development of human society for the first time. They drew the remarkable conclusion that capitalism is bound to perish and socialism and communism are bound to succeed [Ed. In official Chinese language, this is referred to as the “Two Bounds”] in view of the general trend of history.

On the basis of this conclusion, Marx deeply examined and studied the capitalist mode of production with the materialist conception of history, exposed the secret of capitalist exploitation, developed the theory of surplus value, and thereby discovered the basic contradiction in capitalist society, namely the ultimate incompatible antagonism between the socialisation of production and capitalist private ownership of means of production, and identified the proletariat as the force to realise social change. The theory of scientific socialism is just based on the materialist conception of history and the theory of surplus value.

While drawing the “Two Bounds” conclusion, Marx clearly pointed out “Two Nevers”, namely, “any social form will never perish before all productive forces it contains are released; and any new and more advanced relations of production will never emerge before the material conditions for its existence become mature in the womb of the old society.”[2]

“Two Bounds” and “Two Nevers” constitute a unified organic whole, and should never be used to negate each other. Philosophically, using one to negate the other is “dualism” and “theory of one point” rather than “monism” and “theory of two points”. However, we must also note that, according to the fundamental principle of Marxism, “Two Bounds” and “Two Nevers” are never in a completely parallel relation; if they are considered parallel, a considerably active space for various wrong recognitions of “Left” or “Right”, even for historical nihilism, will occur. In a certain sense, “Two Bounds” are the general trend and destination of the development of human history, the master source for us to establish correct ideals and beliefs, the root of our confidence in building socialism with Chinese characteristics and finally realising communism. The “Two Nevers” are a general collection and description of the specific process and details of the overall development of human history, and the actual basis for the objective and specific conditions that we should examine when formulating, implementing and realising the minimum programs, and strategies and tactics in the course of realising the maximum program.

Just for this reason, we absolutely cannot and should never take them separately or even as opposites. The road of building socialism with Chinese characteristics and finally realising communism will surely be full of thorns and hardships, and it will never be an easy job, but we are fully confident in reaching the final destination of all mankind, namely communism, or a community with a shared future for mankind.

To sum up, it can be said that the world today is still in the era of imperialism and in the transition from capitalism to communism; socialism is the primary stage of communism, while the present socialism with Chinese characteristics is only the primary stage of socialism.

II. We are in the specific minor historical period of financial imperialism as defined by Lenin at the same time

Personally, I think, General Secretary Xi’s judgment that “we are still in the historical times as clarified by Marx” covers both the general historical times as defined by Marx and Engels and the specific minor historical period of imperialism as specified by Lenin.

Lenin upheld and developed the thoughts of Marx and Engels. According to Lenin’s criterion on periodisation, we can further divide the development of capitalism into three stages: 1. Commercial capitalism; 2. Industrial capitalism; and 3. Financial capitalism, namely financial imperialism. Correspondingly, we should translate the “general historical times” of the capitalist class into three minor historical periods: 1. The period of commercial capitalism; 2. The period of industrial capitalism, which, together with the period of commercial capitalism, belongs to the period of free-competition capitalism; and 3. The period of financial capitalism in which industrial capital and banking capital are centralised faster and increasingly integrated. The period of financial imperialism is a period of monopolistic, parasitic/decadent and moribund capitalism.

In 1914, Lenin pointed out: “imperialism is such a state that capitalism has completed all it can and turned to decline”; “we cannot assert how long the period will continue”.[3] From the end of 1915 to 1916, Lenin clearly pointed out that: “financial capital has become the typical ‘overlord’ of the world ... the destiny of the whole world is simply in the hands of hundreds of millionaires and billionaires”.[4] “Imperialism exactly features financial capital rather than industrial capital”.[5] In the first half of 1916, Lenin very clearly specified in his famous Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism:

Imperialism has developed to such an extent, that most of the profit has been swallowed by the ‘geniuses’ in the dirty deals of finance, but the great progress by humanity after going through all kinds of hardships and difficulties ... has benefited speculators.[6]

He further stated:

The general character of capitalism lies in the separation between capital possession and the application of capitalism in production, between money capital and industrial capital or production capital, and between the rentier completely living on returns on money capital and the entrepreneur and all others directly using capital. Imperialism, or the rule of financial capital, is the highest stage of capitalism.[7]

I think that, imperialism as mentioned by Lenin in the article, is an abbreviation for the financial imperialism ruled by financial capital; and that “imperialism is the highest stage of capitalism” is just Lenin’s brief expression that financial imperialism is the highest stage of the development of capitalism. In addition, that the world today is still in the period of imperialism as we often mention just means that we remain in the period of financial imperialism. For this reason, we can confirm that, using Lenin’s wording of “financial imperialism” will help us more directly to deeply understand the essence of imperialism, international financial crisis and major events around the world at present, and find the strategic measures for a scientific response.

Without a doubt, “the capitalist class played a very revolutionary role in history.” With the coming of the times of financial imperialism, however, it has gradually stepped into the parasitic, decadent, reactionary and declining historical stage. We cannot assert how long the period of financial imperialism as mentioned by Lenin will continue, but one thing is sure, namely the period will not last decades or a hundred years, but at least hundreds of years even longer. Lenin’s argument that imperialism is decadent and moribund capitalism is sometimes critiqued from a short-sighted perspective of imperialism, and is based on the time span of 100 years or even on decades. Based on this short-term perspective some people drew the conclusion that the argument is out of date. In fact, this claim is generated not from the error of Lenin’s judgment, but from our intolerance and error in understanding his thought.

The transition from capitalism to socialism is a long process, and the course is tortuous and may even be reversed sometimes. According to a definite viewpoint of Lenin, “every era has and always presents individual and partial movements sometimes forward and sometimes backward, and various cases deviating from the general type and speed of movements”.[8] This can serve as a way for us to properly understand the radical changes of the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe and the contemporary low tide of socialism.

In the course of transition from capitalism to socialism, socialist revolution experienced rapid development and depression. As Lenin clearly pointed out, socialist revolution would never be as:

Broad, unhindered and straight ... as the sidewalk of Nevsky Prospekt, without the need to bear serious sacrifices on the way to victory, “be entrenched in a besieged fortress”, or pass through the narrowest, hardest, most zigzagged and most dangerous paths among the mountains. Anyone who thinks that only “under such conditions”, “can” proletarian revolution be carried out will not be a revolutionary.[9]

He thought that, “it will be a long and tortuous path for the thorough victory of socialism”[10]; revolution would experience a period of rapid development in which “the results in one day may be equal to those in 20 years sometimes”, and the “political depression period” with “‘peaceful’ turtle-speed development”.[11] Such phenomenon may occur in the revolution of a single county and around the world. Therefore, we should not view the phenomenon that the world socialist revolution is in a period of depression at present as a change of the fundamental nature of the times, or to even want to bid farewell to revolution, because it is just changes in themes at different development stages. Lenin said:

“All strategies of the proletariat should be based on the objective and necessary dialectics of human history”, “we should take advantages of the political depression” period “to develop the consciousness, strength and battle effectiveness of the advanced class ... and make the class able to actually accomplish all great tasks upon the coming of the great day when ‘the results in one day may be equal to those in 20 years sometimes’ ”.[12]

In my personal view, with economic globalisation deepening, international financial crisis worsening and rich-poor polarisation around the world and socialism with Chinese characteristics standing majestically, the Communist Party of China, the Chinese people and the proletariat and working people all over the world will surely put an end to the “political depression” period with “ ‘peaceful’ turtle-speed development”, and usher in the coming of the great day when “the results in one day may be equal to those in 20 years” as Lenin said, in the incoming two or three decades.

Chinese leaders, Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and General Secretary Xi have never denied that the world today is still in the period of imperialism. To the contrary, they have all directly or indirectly affirmed that the essence of the period remains unchanged.

In March 2013, when making a speech at the Moscow State Institute of International Relations, Comrade Xi Jinping pointed out:

In the world today, humans still faces many difficulties and challenges: deep influences of international financial crisis continue, protectionism of all shades worsen, hotspot issues arise, hegemonism, power politics and new interventionism become worse, and conventional and unconventional security threats such as arms race, terrorism and cyber-insecurity are interwoven. Therefore, we have a long way to go in safeguarding world peace and promoting common development.”[13]

On June 25, 2016, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Putin jointly issued the Joint Statement between the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation on Strengthening Global Strategic Stability in Beijing, clearly pointing out that:

Currently, passive factors influencing global strategic stability are increasing around the world, about which we have some concerns. The trend is dangerous. First, individual countries and military-political alliances seek their decisive advantages in military and military technology fields, so as to realise their interests by using or threatening to use military force without any barrier in international affairs. They openly ignore the basic security principle that the security of all countries must not be impaired, and try to guarantee their security at the price of the insecurity of other countries. This policy makes the increase of military force grow out of control, shakes the global strategic stability system, and runs counter to the philosophy of realising general and complete disarmament under effective international supervision.

The judgement not only indirectly affirms the existence of imperialism as specified by Lenin, but also fully asserts the conclusion that imperialism is war.

Whether it is admitted, faced up to and recognised or not, the times as defined by Lenin exist in our political, economic and social life all the time, and in our internal and international imperatives which we must keep in our mind urgently. In a certain sense, it is a very important issue of basic theory and objective reality demanding instant clarification.

We have been able to reveal the root of the international financial crisis which is still unfathomable: the drastic polarisation of rich and poor around the world after the sharp change in Eastern Europe and the subjugation of the Soviet Union and its ruling party. It has been 10 years since the last international financial crisis, which, in the author’s view, will not be cast off in another 10 or more years. Today, the birth and development of new hi-tech revolution and new means of production represented by Internet plus intelligent robots greatly improves the global social productive forces, but aggravates global polarization and income distribution. Such a situation is just as Marx stressed: in capitalist society:

Any progress in civilization, or any increase in social productive force (the productive force of labor itself), for example, science, inventions, division and combination of labor, improvement of means of transport, development of world markets, machines and so on, will only make capital richer rather than workers.[14]

That is to say, within the framework of the capitalist relations of production, capital and labour are two ends of a seesaw and in essence, they get richer separately, but will never become richer at the same time. The richer capital becomes, the poorer the broad working masses surely; the poorer the broad working masses, the less the effective social demands certainly. The economic globalisation dominated by Western capitalist countries headed by the US will be bound to make broad masses worldwide poorer and relative social demands fall sharply. We can also prophesise that in the following two or three decades, many intelligent robots will misappropriate more jobs from workers and unmanned factories will spring up like mushrooms around the world. This course may be much faster and its coverage may be broader than common people can imagine. However, if capital can go without employing workers, common people will have no salaries, then who will buy the cheap and fine products?

In essence, the international financial crisis in 2008 was a comprehensive crisis of capitalist economy, politics and cultural values, and a general outburst of the basic capitalist contradiction between the highly developed social productive forces, namely the socialisation and globalisation of production, and the existing relations of production, namely the possession of means of production by a very few private owners. History has repeatedly proved that the basic contradiction can never be cast off within the framework of the capitalist relations of production. With the contradiction developing and deepening, it can be foretold that more serious financial disasters will break out one after another in the following years.

The entire capitalist world looks like the internally empty Jia Mansion in The Dream of Red Mansion, a famous Chinese novel. The polarisation of rich and poor around the world today will surely lead to pain, resentment even resistance of the people from countries all over the world, which will be the fundamental impetus for great change and adjustment worldwide, thereby driving the great development of human society.

In view of immediate and partial areas, we have a few convergences of interests with the US, particularly in economic and trade exchanges due to high mutual trade volumes. In view of fundamentals and long-term development, the capitalist path, theoretical system, rule and culture headed by the US are opposed to those of our socialism with Chinese characteristics.

In a certain sense, as long as Western powers dominate our world, war will be inevitable. The judgement by Lenin remains scientific and accurate: imperialism is the source of war. Since the Cold War ended, more than 10 serious local wars have occurred around the world, to which imperialist powers contributed directly or indirectly. We think, however, that world peace is hopeful, as people from countries all over the world, including those of developed countries and developing countries, have strong wishes for and pursuits of world peace, and have deepened their recognition of the phenomena and essence of imperialism and its nature as the source of war. In addition, Western countries headed by the US are on the decline, the world multi-polarisation is developing deeply, and the US has become unable to seek global hegemony as it wishes. Driven by their success in the former Soviet Union through “peaceful evolution”, western countries will mainly make use of their economic, political and cultural hegemony to play the same trick in socialist countries and stir up “colour revolutions” in other developing countries, for their purpose of seeking perpetual hegemony and plundering the world. Against the backdrop, the overall pattern of world peace may remain as ever for a period in the future.

War and peace are always dominated by different classes and powers, which lead to their difference by nature. Meanwhile, there are the relations of opposition and unification and of qualitative change and quantitative change between them. In the long history of human beings, the relatively cosy and peaceful period is normal in terms of time and overall situations, while wars full of blood and fire are short even transient. However, once a war breaks out, it will cause great hardships to nations and people, but can also lead to their birth under certain conditions. Just as the relations between economic crisis and economic development, economic development is a normal state, while economic crisis is a non-normal state, but short economic crisis as a non-normal state may cause great hardships to nations and people for a long or even very long time, which may promote their revitalisation.

The times of financial imperialism may last for a considerably long historical stage, so we should never belittle the times and not think it to be shorter, as the view goes that our times is one of peace and development. Of course, in a certain sense, how long the times continue depends on how people from countries all over the world, particularly communists representing their fundamental interests, recognize the times and on how they give play to their subjective initiative in cooperating, competing and contesting imperialism. To a certain extent, it can be said that with the economic base of financial hegemony, the US is equipped with various approaches for hegemony in other fields. Nowadays, the American economic situation is complicated and confused, which is one of the reasons why the US is transferring and will continuously transfer its economic crisis in 2007 to the broad developing countries and even developed economies including the EU and Japan. In view of the general trend of history, imperialism is a decadent and moribund capitalism and a paper tiger. We must view it in such a manner strategically and essentially, as it is a law and will be certain in the future. However, we must also bear in mind other arguments of Lenin as follows. In Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, Lenin pointed out:

If you think that the decadent trend excludes rapid development of capitalism, you will be wrong. No, in the period of imperialism, some industrial sectors, strata of bourgeoisie or countries may present sometimes this trend and sometimes that trend. Overall, capitalism may develop much faster than ever.[15]

Therefore, tactically, financial imperialism should be taken as a real and iron tiger. The tiger always wants to eat others. The Soviet Union, represented by a big socialist party and power, was eaten, wasn’t it? One of the major reasons for the collapse of the Soviet Union is that the Western world headed by the US directly or indirectly plundered vast wealth from it by stirring up financial turmoil there. With this case as a reference, we must be highly alert tactically, respond to the Western world seriously and not act carelessly. Only by seeing clearly the important character that financial imperialism is decadent and moribund but may develop at an amazing speed can we be clearheaded and win the initiative under any situations.

Peace and development, as “two major themes”, “two major topics” and “two big issues”, will never be easily addressed in a historical stage of decades, hundreds of years or an even longer time. Primitive communist society existed for more than one million years, slave society for more than 1,600 years and feudal society for more than 2,000 years, but capitalist society has had a history of only 370 years so far. History has sped up its pace of development, but we have no reason and, more importantly, no power to make capitalism pass away peacefully.

In our times, financial imperialism has undoubtedly been on the decline. In essence, jeopardies facing capitalism mean opportunities for socialism: The more serious the jeopardies, the bigger the opportunities. As long as socialism stands rock-firm, the general outburst of the biggest capitalist crisis for 500 years, since the birth of capitalism, will probably be triggered. Even in such a situation, financial imperialism will never change its essence, but may become insane and put up a last ditch struggle. We must sharpen our vigilance, develop complete and all-round emergency response plans in advance and actively make preparations for the great struggle against various complicated situations.

III. Major theory and practice issues facing the world today

General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out that:

Only by attentively listening to the voice, responding to the call of the era, and seriously studying and solving major and pressing problems, can we really be clear about the historical vein, find the law of development and move ahead with theoretical innovation.

The world today mainly faces the following major theory and reality issues, which need to be addressed by sticking to the fundamental principle of Marxism and driving theoretical innovation, so as to deal with challenges and promote world peace and development.

1. Peace. In the report to the 19th CPC National Congress, General Secretary Xi Jinping stated: “Both China and the world are in the midst of profound and complex changes. China is still in an important period of strategic opportunity for development; the prospects are bright but the challenges are severe.” Since the international financial crisis in 2008, global economic growth has been weak and is still in turmoil, and a new round of more serious financial even economic crisis is likely brewing and accumulating. The world is experiencing an arduous, complicated and changeable period, and some countries of capitalist hegemony are intensifying tense situations in some regions in an attempt to cast off and transfer their crisis. After the breakout of the international financial crisis, the American think tank RAND delivered an evaluation report to the Department of Defense on the feasibility of starting a war to transfer the economic crisis, as it was war that really made capitalist countries recover from economic crises and restart new economic cycles throughout capitalism’s history, particularly the crisis in 1929. In order to safeguard the dollar hegemony and the financialised accumulation mechanism, international financial monopoly capital is taking advantage of its hegemony in economic, financial, political, cultural and military fields, supported by other economic and financial approaches such as interest rate rises and QE (Quantitative Easing), to cause geo-political trouble, create disturbances at strategic strongholds around the world, and foment financial and economic crisis abroad, with a view to transferring the crisis and maintaining hegemony. Meanwhile, driven by their deep ideological and institutional prejudice against and strategic doubt and fear of China, Western countries are more and more overly trying to contain and oppress rising China. Some geo-political conflicts such as the Syrian and Ukrainian Crisis have threatened the core strategic interests of major powers, and made all major powers behind the crises try their strength against and contend with each other more and more fiercely. Western military hegemony may rise, and their increasingly adventurous strategies should not be discounted. Recently, American warships and bombers frequently intruded into the South China Sea, and, a few days ago, its warships brazenly passed through the Taiwan Strait. So, what does the US want to do?

2. Development. Economic globalisation and regional integration are the general trend, but globalisation by far has mainly been dominated by international financial capital, and accompanied by many unequal, unjust and unreasonable phenomena in the international economic order. The breakout of the international financial crisis in 2008 foretells the need of structural adjustment of the globalization mode, the capitalist development path and the global economic and financial governance systems led by developed countries. Crisis is inevitable though it may be postponed for many years and many times, and may last for more than 10 years or even longer. We must fully understand that the world economic adjustment will be a long-term and tortuous process. There is a long way to go before we realise general economic recovery, and there still exist many uncertainties and risks in international financial and economic fields. All countries face many difficulties in economic structural adjustment. Various trade frictions and protectionism have increased and economic globalisation has entered a period of deep adjustment and rebalancing. With insufficient driving forces for economic growth around the world, developed countries have presented an obvious “de-globalisation” trend. The US has accelerated its restructuring of regional economic and trade cooperation systems. Under the Obama Administration, the US expected to reshape global economic and trade rules, while the Trump Administration advocated the America-First trade protection policy. In fact, the two administrations both attempted to dominate the creation of new rules and standards for the international economy and trade to safeguard its hegemonic interests. To promote sustained and healthy development of the world economy, a more just and reasonable globalisation, new mode of development and even a globalisation of socialism are required.

3. Sharing. In recent years, massive data disclosed by developed capitalist countries have further supported Lenin’s judgement made more than 100 years ago that “financial capital has become the typical ‘overlord’ of the world ... the destiny of the whole world is simply in the hands of hundreds of millionaires and billionaires”, and that “most of the profit has been swallowed by ‘geniuses’ in the dirty deals of finance.” For example, according to the article “Major Crisis of American Capitalism” by Rana Foroohar in American Time dated May 23, 2016, in the US, “currently, the financial sector accounts for about seven percent of the economy, higher than the four percent in 1980, but enjoys about 25 percent of the total profits of all companies and creates only four percent of jobs.” The article by Oliver Greene in Austrian Die Presse dated March 9, 2016 tells: “the richest 62 people occupy half of the fortune of all others. If those with the fortune equivalent to that of half of the poorest in the world can fill a plane in 2010, such rich people can only fill a bus in 2015”. On January 18, 2016, on the eve of the opening of the World Economic Forum at Davos, Oxfam, a charitable organization, reported that “out of control inequality has led to 62 people owning the same fortune as that by the poorest half of the world population. But just 5 years ago, the figure was 388.” The 2016 January and February edition of the American magazine Foreign Affairs published the article “Inequality and Modernization”, which states that “in 1915, the richest one percent of the American population accounted for about 18 percent of the total national income, while in 2011, the same group controls 40 percent of the national wealth”, thinking that the conflict now is no longer that between the working class and the middle class, but between a handful of elites and the broad citizenry. In 1965, the CEOs of the Top 350 companies in the US enjoyed salaries 20 times that of common workers, but the proportion is 273 times today.

The rich-poor gap is the economic base for the lack of new driving forces for world economic growth, no shared benefits and balanced development, continuous turmoil of regional hotspots and the spread of terrorism, and the fundamental reason for deficits in peace, development and governance internationally.

Essentially, the gap between rich and poor or the polarisation of rich and poor among or within countries all over the world indicates the evil and shame of capitalism, but should never represent the failure and end of socialism. On the contrary, it serves as the prerequisite for the rebirth of socialism.

IV. The Chinese program and strength to deal with global problems

On January 18, 2017, when delivering a speech at the United Nations headquarters in Geneva, Chinese President Xi Jinping clearly pointed out:

From the dimension of reality, we are in a world with frequent challenges. New driving forces are needed for world economic growth, development should be more inclusive and balanced so that its benefits are shared by all, and the gap between rich and poor should be narrowed; regional hotspots remain in turmoil and terrorism wreaks havoc; deficits in peace, development and governance are severe challenges facing all mankind, which are my concerns all the time.[16]

How can we deal with three major deficits in peace, development and governance?

1. Facing severe challenges, China is prepared for danger in times of peace and strengthens her confidence for calm and unhurried response.

Western powers are speeding up the pace of their “peaceful evolution” against China on political and military levels, and constantly launching strategic challenges to and exploration of China, forming geo-political pressure on our country and attempting to compress our strategic space and encircle us geographically. Following the strategy of cultural hegemonism in international cultural exchanges, Western countries popularise their cultural values, ideologies, institutional modes and development paths as the “universal rule”. In particular, they intensify ideological penetration into socialist countries to make long-term preparations for starting “colour revolutions”. Economically, the Trump Administration provoked a trade war and imposed sanctions on Chinese firms, trying to reap strategic compromises and concessions from China, impeding China’s industrial upgrading and the implementation of the Made-in-China plan, and to fuel economic and social turbulence in China, against which we must be clearheaded and sharpen our strategic vigilance. In addition, in the period of international financial imperialism, hegemonic powers are good at attacking and collapsing opponents by economic and financial means. China now faces severe problems of financial risk and economic security, which demand prompt prevention and countermeasures. We should, on the one hand, coordinate responses to various issues in international political and economic games, clarify the real strategic intent and purpose of the US and safeguard our national security and core interests, and on the other hand, stick to the basic socialist political and economic systems against comprehensive penetration and attack by Western hegemonic powers, to prevent deviation from reform, denying our institutional advantages or losing our own way. As instructed by General Secretary Xi Jinping, we should never allow any subversive error in any aspect involving fundamental interests and the core security of our country. Moreover, we should also establish and insist on the overall security outlook, continue to uphold our confidence in the path, theory, system, and culture of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and establish and develop systems and mechanisms to protect the security of systems, politics, economics, ideology and culture. We must immunize ourselves from any lure by promised gain, and defy any deterrence by any big powers, which are excellent cultural traditions of the Chinese nation, and the treasure of Chinese revolutionary and advanced culture. We Chinese communists follow our own attitude towards war: opposition and firm resistance. We will make full and necessary preparations for military struggle or any attempts to challenge our sovereignty, security or to split our territory. Although China seems to be in difficulty as a result of the actions of imperialism, the US is suffering worse. On November 8, 1966, Mao Zedong said to visiting Vietnamese friends: “when the situation is most difficult, victory is coming,”[17] presenting the dialectics that the road is tortuous, but the future is bright, as he had stressed many times.

2. Moving ahead with the Belt and Road Initiative and upholding win-win cooperation. Since the international financial crisis of 2008, China has made important contributions to global economic growth and innovative development with its role as the second largest economy and important engine for world economic growth. Deng Xiaoping said: “as long as China does not collapse, one fifth of the world’s population will stick to socialism,” and “if China keeps stable and achieves her development goals, socialism can demonstrate its superiority”. The success of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the development and expansion of socialist countries in reform and opening-up, will make contributions to the revival and development of world socialism, and indicate that the history of socialism will not end. Continuous development of socialism with Chinese characteristics has also widened paths for developing countries to realise modernisation, and provided wholly-new options to all countries and nations hoping to quicken their development while preserving their independence. Facing global challenges and problems, China, as a responsible power, will play an active role in and make more constructive contributions to world peace and development together with the international community. The 19th CPC National Congress proposed Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, which is the latest fruit of the sinicisation of Marxism, and greatly enriches and develops Marxism. The ideas of the Belt and Road Initiative and the development of a community with a shared future for mankind in the Thought offers a “Chinese philosophy and program” and “Chinese wisdom and Chinese strengthen” to address current world deficits in peace, development and governance. Following a path of peaceful development and working to build a community with a shared future for mankind are important components in the Thought, and an innovative development of the Marxist recognition of the development law of human society. The Thought adds powerful vitality to the development and propagation of Marxism in the 21st century, serves as a major theoretical contribution and driver of practice in China to world peace and development, and will surely write a brilliant chapter in the development history of Marxism and of human thought. The Belt and Road Initiative, practicing the idea of a community with a shared future for mankind, has been supported and participated in by more than 100 countries and international organizations, and has become a huge cooperation platform for countries to realise common development. It will inject lasting new driving forces to the more balanced and inclusive new-type globalisation so that its benefits are shared by all, and bring new opportunities for international development.

3. Developing a community with a shared future for mankind. The important strategic thought of developing a community with a shared future for mankind is the Chinese philosophy and Chinese program proposed by General Secretary Xi Jinping from the perspectives of human development and world prospects. Domestically, President Xi pursues the vision of “innovative, coordinated, green, and open development”; internationally, he advocates the vision of “achieving shared growth through discussion and collaboration”, which is the basic content of developing a community with a shared future for mankind.

Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping raised two famous issues. Mao stated “for whom we develop? It is a fundamental issue, and a principle one” while Deng Xiaoping insisted on sticking to public ownership and common prosperity. Domestically and internationally, Xi upholds shared development as his development of the key issues presented by Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. The issues in essence are fundamental and principle ones that Marxism wants to address. Marx pointed out that the key “depends not only on the development of productive forces, but also on whether the productive force is owned by people”.[18] Therefore, how to make the cake bigger is an issue of development, while how to distribute the cake, namely sharing, is an issue of distribution. Properly addressing the issue of cake distribution while making the cake bigger and better has a bearing on whether the two topics of peace and development can be smoothly settled. Upholding the thought of shared development is of extremely important significance in today’s world and the history of human civilisation. Essentially, peace and development must rely on the people of the world, and thus to make development benefit all countries and people. This will be the peak of the world outlook on civilisation and world values in the present and the future.

We deeply understand that new changes are taking place in the competition and momentum of struggle and the contrast of strength between the two major social paths and systems in the world, but the development of world socialism still faces great challenges. The outbreak of the international financial crisis in 2008 is the biggest international opportunity for socialism with Chinese characteristics, and the most striking focus of preparing for many great struggles with many new historical peculiarities as General Secretary Xi Jinping advocated.

It can be foretold that, with the deepening of international financial crisis, socialism with Chinese characteristics will surely stand lofty in the family of nations following years. If no special event occurs, economic globalisation featuring the polarization of rich and poor dominated by international monopoly capital with the US as its representative will open a new era of decline, while the fair, just and reasonable new economic globalisation led by the people of the world will go from success to success.


[1]Xi Jinping, the Governance of China, Vol.2, Foreign Languages Press, 2017, pp.66.

[2]The Selected Works of Marx and Engels, Vol.2, pp.33.

[3]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.26 , 1988, pp.36.

[4]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.27, 1990, pp.142

[5] The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.27, pp.403.

[6]The Selected Works of Lenin. pp.594.

[7]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.27, 1990, pp.374.

[8]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.26, 1988, pp.143.

[9]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.35, 1985, pp.55.

[10]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2,Vol.33, 1992, pp.410.

[11]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2,Vol.26 , 1992, pp.78.

[12]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.26, 1992, pp.78.

[13]People’s Daily. March 24, 2013.

[14]The Collected Works of Marx and Engels. Vol.46, pp.268, People’s Publishing House, 1979.

[15]The Collected Works of Lenin. Edition 2, Vol.27, People’s Publishing House, 1990, pp.436.

[16]People’s Daily. May 15, 2017

[17]The Chronicle of Mao Zedong’s Life (1949 ˜ 1976). Vol.3, Central Party Literature Press, pp.15.

[18]The Selected Works of Marx and Engels. Vol.1, People’s Publishing House, 1995, pp.771.

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