The Guardian November 24, 1999


On to a new Republic

by Wally Pritchard*

The bulk of the Australian trade union movement supported the "yes" 
campaign in the referendum on November 6. The bulk of left political 
parties also.

It was clearly the thing to do. It meant cutting ties with an historical 
enemy of the working class, the British monarchy.

The Republican position was dubbed "the minimalist model" because it did 
indeed alter the status quo in Australia only in relation to the monarchy. 
The basic class position changed not one bit.

The position between the working class and the capitalist class (the 
effective ruler of Australia) was not affected at all by the proposed 
Republican model or the Preamble to the Constitution.

The ruling class support for the Republic model was clear before the vote 
of November 6. In the days prior to the Republic vote, the Australian 
Financial Review, in polling 49 top Chief Executive Officers found 47 
adamantly supportive of a "yes" vote and only two against. Similarly, 
editorials of all major newspapers owned by rich Australian families urged 
the voters to endorse the Republican model on offer.

In Constitutional terms, the Republican vote of November 6 could be termed 
Australia's mini-bourgeois revolution. As in other bourgeois revolutions in 
other countries over the centuries it carried with it support from large 
sections of the working class.

It was also very clear from the electorate results of the poll that it did 
not carry the support of enough of the working class.

To put this down to disinformation is to ignore the resources of the "yes" 
campaign which were in excess of the monarchists.

To put it down to misinformation is to suggest that workers in those 
electorates could not work it all out. This is an approach fraught with 
danger.

A politician who blames the constituency for not understanding the subtlety 
or complexity of the argument is further adrift from reality than the inept 
carpenter who continually blames the tools.

It was stated earlier that the Republican model threatened only the 
Monarchy and not the ruling class. Neither did it hold any substantial 
threat to the working class apart from preserving the rule of capital. It 
was precisely the fact that it offered nothing to workers that most likely 
led to the lack of sense of ownership and therefore the lack of support.

It was not that bodies like the ACTU did not try to embellish the 
constitutional change to give workers more substance, more power, more 
rights. It was simply that the Republican debate was dominated in the first 
place, incongruously, by the Monarchist John Howard and in the latter part 
by the bourgeoisie.

The cup has clearly passed from John Howard. The Monday after the poll, the 
Sydney Morning Herald urged John Howard "to reflect on his lost 
place in Australian history".

That Kim Beazley has picked up the scent and promised a new plebiscite as 
part of his next electoral platform suggests John Howard may have at last 
fallen on his own imperial sword.

The prospect of a Costello-led Republic debate does not bring with it 
visions of opportunity for the working class. The prospect of a Beazley-led 
debate, however, does hold out promise.

Beazley has promised first a plebiscite that will, by all available data, 
skittle the monarchy in one fell blow. The Opposition leader has then 
promised to listen to the people on what they want out of a Republic.

In this context the method of electing the President pales into 
insignificance.

It could in fact be solved by simply taking the currently proposed model 
and putting the single candidate back to the national populace for 
endorsement in a one-off poll. This gives the people the final say without 
the prospect of US style two-house hoop-la.

Beazley's proposition, however, opens up far more opportunities for 
developing real positions: on indigenous ownership; on full recognition of 
the contribution of the working class; men and women breaking out of chains 
to build the modern nation; the setting standards for protection of 
children, the aged, the handicapped, the disadvantaged; ensuring education, 
food, clothing, medical care as constitutional rights. To ensure freedom of 
expression to protect the high ideals of society and to eliminate racism 
and other forms of discrimination.

For the trade union movement it could bring to an end the vilification and 
slander and the type of offensive by Australian police against Australian 
workers that was witnessed in all major ports last year.

The ruling class have already picked up on Beazley's shift of ground and 
within 24 hours of Beazley making his position known, the bosses unleashed 
the NSW Right of the ALP to tip a bucket on any prospect of anything 
different from their model, one that cements the status quo of the hegemony 
of capital.

It will take considerable debate within trade union movement and 
considerable activity within the Left and progressive movement to ensure 
firstly that Kim Beazley's proposition survives in the embryo form and it 
will take further effort to develop it into something of substance for the 
working families of Australia.

Now that the dust has settled it can be stated that the Constitutional 
package just rejected held out no other prospects than the end of the 
Monarchy.

Even the Queen has now recognised that her family's days are numbered on 
the Australian scene.

The task ahead for Australia's progressive forces is to move the debate out 
of the realm of the Monarchists and away from the private appropriation of 
the minimalists and for the Australian people themselves to turn the debate 
into a model for a far better and fairer country.

History has revealed that public ownership of a nation's agenda is the 
prime requisite for public ownership of anything else material or spiritual 
within nature.

A new republic debate provides that opportunity.

*Wally Pritchard is Deputy Branch Secretary of the WA Branch of the 
Maritime Union of Australia.

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