America at war in Macedonia (Part II)
The US and Britain vs Germany and France
by Michael Chossudovsky
Professor of Economics, University of Ottowa While the tone of international diplomacy remains mannerly and polite, US foreign policy under the Bush administration has become distinctly "anti- European". According to one observer: "At the heart of the Bush team, Colin Powell is [considered] the friend of the Europeans, while the other ministers and advisers are considered arrogant, hard and indisposed to listen or to give the Europeans a place." (Pascal Boniface, Director, Paris Institute of International and Strategic Relations) Germany and America Amply documented, the CIA is behind the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) and the National Liberation Army (NLA) rebels, who are waging the terrorist assaults against the Macedonian security forces. While the CIA's German counterpart the Bundes Nachrichten Dienst (BND) collaborated with the CIA in overseeing and financing the KLA prior to the 1999 war, recent developments suggest that the BND is not involved in Washington's military- intelligence ploy in [the Former Yugoslav Republic of] Macedonia. Barely a few weeks before the signing of the "association agreement" with the European Union, German troops stationed in Macedonia in the Tetovo region were (mid March 2001) "accidentally" targeted by the NLA. While the Western media, echoing in chorus the official statements, maintains that German troops were "caught in the cross-fire", reports from Tetovo suggest that the NLA shelling "was deliberate". In any event, the incident would not have occurred had Germany's BND been working with the rebel army: "Up to 600 German troops were forced to leave Tetovo overnight after their barracks ... were caught in crossfire... [They] were too lightly armed to defend themselves against the Albanians. The Germans will replace the departing troops with a Leopard tank squadron. The new [German] firepower may be used to knock out Albanian positions now established around Tetovo, In a bitter irony, two of the commanders responsible for the terrorist assaults in the Tetovo region had been trained by British Special Forces: "Embarrassingly for KFOR, it emerged that two of the Kosovo-based commanders leading the Albanian push [into the Tetovo region] were trained by former British SAS and Parachute Regiment officers in the days when NATO was more comfortable with the fledgling KLA. "A former member of a European special forces unit who accompanied the KLA during the Kosovo conflict said that a commander [of KFOR] was organising the flow of arms and men into Macedonia, and that the veteran KLA commander Adem Bajrami, was helping to co-ordinate the assault on Tetovo. "Both were taught by British soldiers in the secretive training camps that operated in northern Albania during 1998 and 1999", the Sunday Times article said. These same British trained rebel commanders view Germany as the "enemy" because Bundeswehr troops stationed in Macedonia and Kosovo, rather than providing "protection" to NLA "freedom fighters" in the same way as their British and American KFOR counterparts, frequently detain "suspected terrorists" at the border: "A spokesman for the Albanians' National Liberation Army (NLA) in Pristina warned the Bundeswehr its involvement would constitute 'a declaration of war by the Federal Republic of Germany". In response to NLA threats, the Bundeswehr sent in its own Special Forces, the Fallschirmj?ger (Parachutists) to work with its Panzer-Artillerie- Batterie squadron. German Defence Minister Rudolf Scharping confirmed that "he was ready to send more tanks and troops to bolster Bundeswehr forces". Yet in recent developments, Berlin has chosen to withdraw most of its troops from the Tetovo region and not in any way challenge the US military- intelligence ploy in support of the NLA rebels. Some of these German troops are now stationed on the Kosovo side of the border. While the NLA received a shipment of brand new advanced weaponry "made in America", Germany donated (mid-June) to the Macedonian Security forces all terrain vehicles as well as weapons "for sophisticated infrared tracing in the battlefield." (Information received by the author from Skopje) According to a report from Macedonia, the small contingent of German troops that still remain in the Tetovo region "was under heavy attack from the terrorists who attacked them with mortar from the mountains above Tetovo. That is probably the response of yesterday's [June 14, 2001] donation to our army made by the German government". While divisions between "NATO allies" are never made public, Germany's Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer — in a strongly worded statement to the Bundestag directed against "the Albanian extremists in Macedonia" — has called for "a long-term arrangement, aimed to make the whole region closer to Europe." (i.e. free of US encroachment). The German position is in marked contrast to that put forth by the US, which requires the Skopje Government to grant amnesty to the terrorists, modify the country's constitution and incorporate the NLA rebels in civilian politics: "The pact reportedly called for the rebels to stop their fight in exchange for amnesty guarantees. The rebels would also have the right to veto future political decisions regarding ethnic Albanian rights. The accord was reportedly mediated by Robert Frowick, a former US envoy who currently served as a Balkan representative for the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe." (World News Digest 30/5/01) The Anglo-American axis The clash between Germany and America in the Balkans is part of a much broader process that affects the heart of the Western military-industrial complex and defence establishment. From the early 1990s, the US and Germany have acted jointly as NATO partners in the Balkans, coordinating their respective military, intelligence and foreign policy initiatives. While maintaining in their public statements a semblance of political unity, serious divisions started to emerge in the wake of the Dayton Accords (1995), as German banks scrambled to impose the Deutschmark and take over the monetary system of Yugoslavia's successor states. Moreover, in the wake of the 1999 war in Yugoslavia, the US has reinforced its strategic, military and intelligence ties with Britain, while Britain has severed many of its ties (particularly in the area of defence and aerospace production) with Germany and France. Launched in early 2000, US Defense Secretary William Cohen and his British counterpart, Geoff Hoon, signed a "Declaration of Principles for Defense Equipment and Industrial Cooperation". Washington's objective was to encourage the formation of a "transatlantic bridge across which the US Department of Defense can take its globalisation policy to Europe." The US defence industry, which now includes British Aerospace Systems (BaeS), is clashing with the Franco-German defence consortium EADS, a conglomerate composed of France's Aerospatiale Matra, Deutsche Aerospace, (part of the powerful Daimler group), and Spain's CASA. In other words, a major split in the Western military-industrial complex has occurred with the US and Britain on one side and Germany and France on the other. Oil, guns and the Western military alliance are intimately related processes. Washington's design is to eventually ensure the dominance of the US military-industrial complex in alliance with the Anglo-American oil giants and Britain's major defence contractors. These developments evidently also have a bearing on the control over strategic pipelines, transport and communications corridors in the Balkans, Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. In turn, this Anglo-American axis is also matched by increased cooperation between the CIA and Britain's MI5 in the sphere of intelligence and covert operations as evidenced by the role played by British SAS Special Forces in training KLA rebels. War, "dollarisation" and the New World Order "Protection" of the pipelines, covert activities and the recycling of drug money in support of armed insurgencies, militarisation of strategic corridors and defence procurement to "Partnership for Peace" (PfP) countries are all an integral part of the Anglo-American axis and its quest to dominate oil and gas routes and transport corridors out of the Caspian sea basin and from the Black Sea across the Balkans. More generally, what is happening in the broader region linking Eastern Europe and the Balkans to the former Soviet republics is a relentless scramble for control over national economies by competing business conglomerates. Behind this process is the quest by Wall Street's financial establishment, in alliance with the defence and oil giants, to destabilise and discredit the Deutschmark (and the Euro) with a view to imposing the US dollar as the sole currency for the region. Control over "money creation" — imposing the rule of the US Federal Reserve system throughout the World — has become a central feature of US expansionism. In this regard, Washington's military-intelligence ploy not only consists in undermining "EU enlargement", it is also intent upon weakening and displacing the dominion of Germany's largest banking institutions (eg. Deutsche Bank, Commerzbank and WestDeutsche Landesbank) throughout the Balkans. In other words, the New World Order is marked by the clash between Europe and America for "colonial control" over national currencies. And this conflict between "competing capitalist blocks" will become increasingly acute when several hundred million people from Eastern Europe and the Balkans to Central Asia start using the Euro as their "de facto" national currency on January 1, 2002.
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